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Briefing

We need to talk
Public attitudes to social care and the NHS

Published September 2026
Time to read clock icon About 20 mins
Authors
An image of a carer helping an older man stretch his legs at home.

Key points

  • This briefing takes stock of what the public thinks about social care and the NHS, based on our latest survey with Ipsos. We surveyed 2,238 people via Ipsos’s UK KnowledgePanel in May 2026, shortly before the Makerfield by-election. 
  • Our findings show that the current social care system is not aligned with what the public wants. New prime minister Andy Burnham has emphasised his commitment to reforming social care, and the Casey Commission has launched a national conversation to engage the public in the future of the care system.
  • The public remains deeply pessimistic about the general standard of social care. People who used any social care service, either for themselves or who have friends or family who have, are more likely to disagree that their local social care services are good. 
  • In England, misperceptions about the social care system persist, with around a third of the public incorrectly believing care is free at point of use and largely provided by the NHS. Across the UK, most of the public are not preparing financially for future care costs.
  • Over 85% of care homes in England are owned by for-profit organisations, but just 5% of the public think care providers should be private, for-profit companies. There is a clear preference for care to be provided by non-profit or state-owned services. 
  • Our research has shown that an overwhelming majority of the public support a greater role for the state in covering the costs of people’s social care, and care for older people continues to be a high priority for additional public spending. However, views are mixed on how to fund any increase in spending, which underlines the political challenge of enacting reform.
  • Public perceptions of the NHS have continued to improve since Labour took office, with pessimism at its lowest level since our polling series began in 2021. However, confidence remains fragile, and the public’s continued prioritisation of improving A&E waiting times and easier access to GP appointments may reflect a growing concern about system pressures. 
  • While Burnham is currently enjoying something of a political honeymoon, he will soon find himself facing similar trade-offs on the NHS and social care as his predecessors. How he navigates these will likely shape his premiership.
 

Introduction

Andy Burnham became prime minister in July 2026 and is in the process of resetting Labour’s policy agenda on health and social care. Our latest survey of public perceptions, conducted in May 2026, offers a timely snapshot of where people stand on some of the key policy issues facing the new occupant of 10 Downing Street.

Burnham has reiterated his commitment to reforming social care, accelerating the timetable for the Casey Commission, committing to better working conditions for care workers and initiating cross-party talks on long overdue reforms. Successive governments have broken promises to overhaul social care, resulting in many going without the care they need and a high reliance on unpaid carers. A lack of political will contributed to the failure of past efforts, but the new prime minister has indicated he is willing to use 'whatever political capital I have' on social care reform. However, another longstanding barrier to change is limited public awareness of the current system’s flaws – leading Baroness Casey to position 'public consent' as necessary for major reform and launch a ‘Big Conversation on Care’ to build consensus. 

On the NHS, Burnham has inherited significant operational challenges and a major programme of policy changes initiated by his predecessor. This includes a 10-Year Health Plan and a new Health Bill that will abolish NHS England and make a range of other structural and operational changes to the NHS. While access to general practice and waiting times for routine hospital treatment have improved since the 2024 general election, progress is slow, and other challenges remain – including productivity and access to urgent and emergency care. 

Are the recent improvements in the NHS reflected in people’s perceptions? What does the public think about the state of social care? And where do people stand on key issues for reforming the social care system, such as how the necessary investment should be funded and who should provide care services?

This analysis presents findings from the tenth wave of our 6-monthly public perceptions research programme with Ipsos that tracks the UK public’s views on health and social care. We surveyed 2,238 UK adults aged 16 years and older via Ipsos’s UK KnowledgePanel between 21 and 27 May 2026 (see Box 1 for methods). The survey followed Wes Streeting’s resignation as health secretary, Baroness Casey’s first major speech on social care reform, the NHS in England hitting a key recovery target for hospital waiting times and devolved elections in Scotland and Wales. Fieldwork was completed before the Makerfield by-election, Keir Starmer’s resignation and resident doctors agreeing a new pay deal to end industrial action. The findings therefore reflect the situation inherited by the new prime minister and data on public views to inform his emerging approach. 

We carried out a survey of 2,238 people as part of our repeated programme of public polling to understand the public’s views on health and social care. Ipsos’s UK KnowledgePanel has more than 25,000 panellists recruited using random probability address-based sampling – the gold standard in survey research. Invited members of the public who do not have digital access can register with the KnowledgePanel and are given a tablet, an email address and basic internet access to complete the online survey.

A total of 4,242 people were invited to take part in the survey between 21 and 27 May 2026. Of these, 2,238 (53%) completed it. Ipsos reviewed key demographics to ensure it selected a balanced sample. It also applied weighting to the data to ensure the survey results were as representative of the UK population as possible. Calibration weighting was applied to participants’ region and an interlocked variable of gender by age, and demographic weights were applied to education, ethnicity, Index of Multiple Deprivation (quintiles) and number of adults in the household. 

We analysed the data to understand current views, changes to views over time and differences in view by numerous characteristics, including age, gender, area of deprivation and voting intention. We highlight differences between respondent subgroups where relevant to the question and statistically significant (at the 95% confidence interval). We also highlight statistically significant changes in results from our previous surveys. Comparisons of results from surveys conducted before July 2021 are only indicative: these used a different geographical sample (Great Britain instead of the UK) and age range (18 years and older instead of 16 years and older), with different survey methods undertaken prior to March 2021 (telephone omnibus rather than online KnowledgePanel). 

The full methodology can be found in the accompanying Ipsos report.

 

Social care performance and reform

2 years into a Labour government, little progress has been made on its manifesto promise to ‘create a National Care Service’. After cancelling plans to protect people against high lifetime care costs shortly after the general election, the government instead tasked Baroness Louise Casey with chairing an independent commission to set out a reform plan by 2028. Under Keir Starmer, the government’s focus was on improving pay and conditions for the care workforce, legislating to introduce new Fair Pay Agreements in the sector from 2028. Just before Burnham became the new Labour prime minister, we asked the public what they thought about the state of social care.

What the public thinks about social care standards and policies

The public remains deeply pessimistic about the general standard of social care: 40% of people think it got worse over the past 12 months, and only 4% think it got better. Those aged 55 years and older (49%) and those with a health problem or disability (50%) are more likely to think it got worse than the public overall. Looking forward presents a similar picture: only 7% of the public think standards will get better over the next 12 months, compared with 44% who think they will get worse. These findings are unchanged from 6 months ago. 

When asked about local services, the public is mostly neutral. Around a third (34%) neither agree nor disagree that social care services in their local area are good, compared with 28% who disagree and just 14% who agree. People aged 55 to 74 years (33%) and those with a health problem or disability (39%) are more likely to disagree. Those who have used any social care service, either for themselves or who have friends or family who have, are also more likely to disagree (35%).

Opinions on whether the government has the right policies for social care are decidedly more negative, with 51% disagreeing that it does and only 9% agreeing – although this has increased from 6 months ago (6%). A quarter of the public neither agree nor disagree. People aged 55 years and older (63%), those with a health problem or disability (59%) and those with family or friends who have used a social care service (57%) are more likely to disagree. 

Public understanding of how social care services are funded and organised

The balance of responsibility for care costs between individuals and the state is a key policy question at the heart of any reform plans. Our previous polling found most people in England would prefer the state to have a bigger role in paying for care than under the current system (see Box 2). Unlike the NHS, access to publicly funded social care in England is heavily means- and needs-tested and organised by local authorities. But there are widespread misconceptions about this. While 44% of people in England correctly think social care is not generally free at the point of need, 39% incorrectly believe it is – an increase from 35% a year ago. A third (34%) mistakenly think the NHS provides most social care for older people, while half (49%) know it does not. 

In all parts of the UK, people may be expected to pay for at least some of the costs of their care, which can be substantial. The UK public is currently more likely to agree (44%) than disagree (31%) that it is their responsibility to save or make financial plans to pay for their care when they are older, with fewer disagreeing now than they did in May 2022 (35%), the last time we asked about this. Around a quarter of people neither agree nor disagree (23%). Both those aged 16 to 24 years (61%) and those aged 75 years and older (52%) are more likely than the public overall to agree that it is their responsibility. 

However, most of the public are not preparing for future care costs. Over half (55%) say they have not thought about preparing financially to pay for social care services they might need when they are older, compared with 41% who say they have. When asked if they are already preparing financially, 61% say they are not. But 35% of the public say they are already preparing financially, slightly up from 30% in May 2022. Those most likely to already be preparing include people aged 65 years and older (55%), those living in southern England (40%), those living in the least deprived parts of the country (44%), those intending to vote Conservative (45%) or Labour (41%) and those who have used social care services in the past 12 months or have friends or family who have (41%). 

In May 2025, we polled the public in England about options for social care funding reform. When it comes to paying for social care services, the public has strong opinions about how much responsibility falls to the individual versus the state (Figure 1). Only 2% of people in England think individuals should be responsible for paying for all the care they need. 15% think individuals should be responsible for paying for all the care they need, but the state should pay for those who can't afford it – essentially how the current system operates.

56% think that the state should be responsible for paying for some care for everyone who needs it regardless of what they can afford, but people who can afford it should also pay towards their care. This is similar to the Scottish system, where the state provides free personal and nursing care. A further 21% think the state should pay for all the care individuals need. People who intend to vote Green (30%) or Reform UK (28%) are more likely to think the state should be entirely responsible; there are few other notable differences between population groups.

The last time we asked the public about the fairness of the current system, in 2023, around half of the UK public (51%) thought means-testing social care access was unfair, but a third thought it was fair. Labour voters were more likely to think means-testing was unfair (56%).

Figure 1

Awareness but not support for a for-profit model

Adult social care has become increasingly outsourced, with over 85% of care homes in England owned by for-profit organisations. A further 12% are owned by not-for profit organisations, and less than 3% of social care organisations are run by local authorities. Despite misconceptions about the provision and funding of social care services, a majority of the UK public (63%) correctly thinks most care providers are privately owned by for-profit companies (Figure 2). Those aged 45 years and older (73%), those who intend to vote for Labour (72%) and those who have friends and family who have used any social care service in the past 12 months (68%) are more likely to think so than the public overall. Minorities of the public think care providers are mostly owned by local authorities (12%), not-for-profit organisations or charities (7%) and the NHS (7%). People aged 16 to 24 years (17%) are more likely to think providers are mostly owned by the NHS than the public overall (7%).

Just 5% of the public think providers should be private, for-profit companies, and there is a clear preference for care to be provided by non-profit or state-owned services. Just under a third think providers should mostly be owned by the NHS (30%), non-profit organisations or charities (29%) or local authorities (28%). 

Figure 2

Views on provider ownership model vary by voting intention. Those who intend to vote Green are more likely to think care providers should be owned by the NHS (44%). Labour voters are more likely to prefer providers are owned by local authorities (35%). Conservative voters are more likely to prefer ownership by not-for-profit organisations or charities (36%) or private companies (10%). People who to intend to vote Reform broadly align with the public overall. 

What the public thinks about how to fund social care and the NHS

Measures to fundamentally reform social care – for instance, to expand the state’s offer and boost access to publicly funded services – will require additional investment. But constraints on public spending and political commitments regarding taxation mean trade-offs are inevitable. So, how do the public think this funding should be raised? And how do the public’s views on funding for social care compare with their views on funding for the NHS, and public spending as a whole?

Priorities if spending were increased 

The public has mixed views on how to fund any increase in spending on social care, which underlines the political challenge of enacting reform. An additional tax specifically earmarked for social care (23%) and the NHS (29%) is among the public’s preferred options (Figure 3). For social care, those aged between 25 and 44 years (12%) are less likely to prefer this option, while those aged 55 years and older (32%) are more likely to prefer it than the public overall. An additional tax is the most popular option for Labour voters (32%), who are more likely to prefer this than both the public overall and Green (18%) and Reform voters (20%). 

Cuts in spending on other services is another popular option for both the NHS (27%, up from 19% in May 2022) and social care (23%). For social care, people who intend to vote Conservative are more likely to prefer this option (30%) than the public overall. For the NHS, this is the most popular option among people aged 16 to 44 years (38%), who are more likely to prefer this than those aged 45 years and older. 

Beyond these two options, preferences diverge. For the NHS, an increase in income tax is the next most preferred option (17%, but down from 21% in May 2023). For social care, 18% of the public prefer none of these options and think the government should not increase spending on social care. People aged 16 to 24 years (26%), aged 35 to 44 years (25%), with children in their household (25%) and who intend to vote Reform (26%) are more likely to prefer not increasing spending than the public overall. People who have friends or family who have used any social care service in the past 12 months (11%), who intend to vote Labour (8%) or Green (10%) and who are aged 55 years and over (11%) are less likely to think the government should not increase spending on social care than the public overall.

Standing back from the specific options, for both the NHS and social care, a majority of the public supports a tax rise of some form to fund any increased spending.

Figure 3

Shifting priorities for government spend in the current geopolitical context 

The NHS continues to be the top priority for public spending in the future (60%) (Figure 4). Social care for older people remains a high priority (22%, down from 25% last year) but has fallen behind defence and the armed forces (24%, up from 20%), perhaps reflecting the geopolitical landscape and concerns about the future of the transatlantic alliance. Primary and secondary schools are now in fourth place (20%), and border and immigration control has dropped to fifth (down from 22% to 19%). 

Figure 4

Those aged 65 years and older (51%) are less likely to prioritise the NHS than the public overall and more likely to prioritise defence (43%), social care for older people (32%) and border and immigration control (31%). Those aged 16 to 24 years are more likely to prioritise the NHS (70%), primary and secondary schools (29%) and supporting the growth of ‘green’ industries and technologies (28%). 

Priorities also vary by voting intention. The top three priorities for Labour voters are the NHS (64%), social care for older people (27%) and housing (26%). Conservative and Reform voters share the same top three, though in a differing order: the NHS (Con. 50%, Ref. 40%), defence and the armed forces (Con. 46%, Ref. 44%) and border and immigration control (Con. 28%, Ref. 51%). Liberal Democrat voters prioritise the NHS (63%) followed by primary and secondary schools (24%), with defence and transport tied for third (22%). Green Party voters are more likely to prioritise the NHS (74%), supporting the growth of green industries (37%) and housing (27%) than the public overall. 

 

NHS performance and priorities

Pessimism about the NHS continues to fall

In 2024, Labour inherited an NHS facing record waiting listsworkforce shortages and record low public satisfaction. Since then, the government has sought to demonstrate progress through a series of interventions and recovery measures as well as by publishing the 10-Year Health Plan for longer term reform. But had these efforts improved public confidence prior to Burnham taking office? 

Unlike perceptions of social care, views of the NHS continue to shift. Just over a third of the public (34%) believe the general standard of NHS care has worsened over the past 12 months, down from 42% in December 2025. This marks a continued drop in pessimism about the NHS. This is the least pessimistic the public have been since our first wave of polling in 2021 (Figure 5). 

Although optimism remains relatively limited, it has grown since December 2025 (12%), with 16% of the public now believing that general standards have improved. With a continued shift away from pessimism, almost half of the public (46%) are likely to think standards have stayed the same. 

Figure 5

Those intending to vote Labour or who have used non-urgent hospital care services in the past 12 months are more likely to think care has improved (37% and 22%, respectively). People who have used six or more NHS services in the past 12 months are more likely to think standards have worsened (48%). Similarly, those living in Northern Ireland (50%), intending to vote Reform UK (42%) or who would not vote (48%) are more likely to think the general standard of care has worsened compared to the public overall (34%). 

Looking ahead to the next 12 months, public expectations of the general standard of care have become less pessimistic than they were in December 2025. Around 38% of the public thinks standards will worsen, down from 47%, while those expecting improvement have risen from 15% to 19%. The most common expectation is that standards will remain unchanged, with 40% holding this view, up from 36%. 

In May 2024, shortly before the general election was called, 28% of the public agreed that the NHS was providing a good service nationally. 2 years into the Labour government, this has risen to 37%, suggesting some improvement in perceptions of national NHS performance (Figure 6). However, views remain mixed, with 38% disagreeing that the NHS is providing a good service nationally. People who have used six or more NHS services in the past 12 months are more likely to disagree (50%). Views also vary by voting intention: 53% of those intending to vote Labour agree that the NHS is providing a good service nationally, compared with 38% of Conservative voters. By contrast, half of Reform UK voters disagree.

Figure 6

Views of local NHS services are more favourable, with half the public (50%) agreeing that their local NHS is providing a good service. People who have used non-urgent hospital care services in the past 12 months are more likely than the average to think their local NHS is providing a good service (60%). Similarly, those intending to vote Labour (68%) or Conservative (59%) are particularly likely to view their local NHS positively. In contrast, those intending to vote Reform UK are more likely to disagree that their local NHS is providing a good service (37%).

There has been a slight improvement in perceptions of government policy, with 19% of the public agreeing that the government has the right policies for the NHS, up from 15% in December 2025. Despite the improvement, a majority of the public (53%) continue to disagree that the government has the right policies for the NHS. Disagreement is higher among people living in Northern Ireland (58%) and England (54%). Views also vary by political affiliation; those intending to vote Reform UK (73%) or Green (61%) are particularly likely to disagree that the government has the right policies for the NHS, while Labour voters are more likely than average to agree (49% versus 19% overall).

Public priorities for the NHS

The public continues to prioritise improving waiting times for A&E (36%) followed closely by making it easier to get appointments at GP practices (35%). The continued prioritisation of A&E, alongside easier access to GP appointments, may reflect growing concern about pressures in urgent and emergency care, including newly published data on corridor care, which shows that more than 50,000 patients waited over 12 hours on a trolley in A&E for admission to a ward in May. Improving waiting times for routine hospital services – the government’s top priority for the health service under Starmer – ranks only fourth (28%) for the public, unchanged from our last survey. 

Priorities vary based on voting intention. Those intending to vote Reform UK are most likely to place improving A&E waiting times (43%) as their top priority. In contrast, those intending to vote Labour are likely to prioritise making it easier to get appointments at GP practices (33%). Liberal Democrat voters are equally likely to prioritise easier access to GP appointments and reducing the number of staff leaving the NHS by improving working conditions (both 39%). Those intending to vote for the Green Party are most likely to prioritise reducing the number of staff leaving (46%). Lastly, Conservative voters are most likely to place reducing waste and improving the efficiency of NHS services as their top priority (43%).

The NHS model

A majority believe the founding principles of the NHS should still apply

A majority of the public still believe the NHS should be free at the point of delivery, with 90% thinking this should apply compared 86% a year ago. This has stayed consistent since our first wave of polling in November 2021. 84% believe the NHS should be primarily funded through taxation, and 83% believe the NHS should provide a comprehensive service available to everyone, though support has decreased slightly since November 2021 (88%). Similarly, almost three-quarters (73%) of the public think the NHS is crucial to British society and that we must do everything we can to maintain it. Despite longstanding discussions about proposed alternative NHS models, there is little evidence of a shift away from support for a universal, tax-funded service that is free at the point of use.

Support for core NHS principles remains strong across all voter groups. The strongest support is generally seen among Green Party voters, with 96% agreeing that the NHS should remain free at the point of delivery. A majority of both Labour (94%) and Green voters (93%) agree that it should provide a comprehensive service available to everyone. Support for a tax-funded system is also particularly high among Labour (92%) and Green voters (91%) compared with the average (84%). In contrast, intended Reform UK voters are less likely to support this principle (20% disagree), although more than three-quarters (77%) still agree.   

 

What these public perceptions mean for policymakers

The starting point for the ‘Big Conversation’ on social care

Our findings illustrate the importance of engaging the public on the priorities for social care reform and the trade-offs involved in delivering it. 

The public are pessimistic about current standards of care, do not think government has the right policies on social care, do not support the current provider market model and do not agree with the ending of the visa route for staff working in social care. As the Casey Commission begins its public engagement on the future of social care in England, our findings support the prime minister’s diagnosis that the current system is simply not aligned with what the public wants.

But our findings also illustrate how the public continues to have a limited understanding of the social care system, which can allow critics to misrepresent plans for change and reduce political pressure for reform. While more people understand how the current system works than do not, many continue to have misconceptions. And reforming social care continues to compete with other priorities. Care for older people remains a high priority for public spending but has now dropped below defence in the public’s eyes – and the government's fiscal headroom is very limited. The Big Conversation is an important opportunity to raise public awareness and build the case for reform.

Our research suggests some consensus among the public on key reform issues. Overall, people support a greater role for the state in funding social care. Our previous polling found that 77% of people prefer a system where the state has a bigger role in paying for people’s care than it currently does, with majority support for having some universal, state-funded offer of care as well as a means-tested element. A significant majority also do not support the current model of for-profit care provider ownership, preferring state and third-sector providers – but reversing this long-running trend fuelled by a lack of public investment in the sector would be difficult, time-consuming and costly. The Big Conversation should explore whether this stays true when people understand what this shift would involve and what lies beneath people’s opposition to for-profit ownership. While there is some evidence that for-profit providers receive worse quality ratings than public and third-sector providers, our polling cannot tell us whether concerns about quality are driving people’s views on the care market. Nor can it tell us whether other policies – like stronger regulation of care provider finances and more clarity on the state’s social care ‘offer’ – would reduce people’s concerns about provider ownership.

Despite agreement on some key principles, views on social care are often marked by division and contradiction. Our previous polling shows a lack of clear consensus on priorities for improving social care, for instance between improving pay and conditions for staff, boosting access to services or making it easier for the NHS and social care to work together. The public also has mixed views about how to raise extra funding to pay for improving and reforming social care. 23% think any increase in spending should be funded from an additional tax specifically earmarked for social care, and 23% favour cuts in spending on other services, but 18% prefer none of the options offered and think the government should not increase spending on social care at all. Nonetheless, most people support some kind of tax rise if the government were to fund improvements in the system – even if views differ on which tax should increase and therefore who should pay.

The Big Conversation should tease out the trade-offs between what people want from a future social care system and how much they are willing for the government to invest. Moving away from our threadbare safety net system is bound to require additional state investment, but the costs of inaction are also immense. Right now, many people go without the care they need or face high costs, with knock-on effects on family carers, the NHS and our economy. With a heavily means- and needs- tested system, some people are much better positioned than others to plan for and shoulder care costs. A more generous, universal model of care would improve many lives. 

Moving in the right direction on the NHS

The public's views on the NHS are more positive than they were before Labour entered government in 2024. There are signs that some of the government's efforts may be beginning to translate into people's experiences. The latest GP Patient Survey findings suggest improvements in access, with more patients reporting that it is easy to contact their practice by phone, through the practice’s website and via the NHS App than in previous years. These results are genuinely encouraging and may indicate that policy efforts to address the ‘8am scramble’ are beginning to have an effect. However, with around 3 in 10 patients reporting a negative experience when contacting their practice, much work needs to be done.

Our findings reinforce this message. The public's top priorities for the NHS remain consistent: improving A&E waiting times and making it easier to access GP appointments – the front doors to the NHS. While perceptions are moving in the right direction, only 37% agree that the NHS is providing a good service nationally, and a majority continue to believe the government does not have the right policies for the NHS. Visible progress on the issues people prioritise most will be essential if the government wants to solidify tentative improvements in public confidence into a durable belief that the NHS is on a sustainable path to recovery. Whether Burnham’s new government continues to prioritise hospital waiting lists or shifts its focus elsewhere remains to be seen.

The new prime minister may enjoy something of a political honeymoon, but he'll quickly find himself dealing with many of the same trade-offs as his predecessors. How he navigates these are likely to shape his premiership. 

Further reading

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